Use of different types of government

Use of different types of government metrics may yield important findings. Bischoff (2008) reported that the proliferation of school districts increase multiracial segregation between districts. In the historical data of government census, school districts showed a different pattern of growth from other types of local governments. These alternative metrics merit additional consideration. The multiple cause-of-death data from NCHS contains a single underlying cause of death based on death certificate. Future studies may use this information to detect cause-specific mortality that responds sensitively to the political and governance changes of urban areas. For instance, literature reports that changes of local governance affect the local economy (Foster, 1997; Grassmueck & Shields, 2010; Stansel, 2005; Swanstrom, 2001), which in turn perturbs rates of suicide, infant mortality, and motor vehicle fatality (Bruckner & Catalano, 2006, Bruckner, 2008; Catalano et al., 2011; Ruhm, 2000) Empirical research concerned with the health sequelae of political structures and organizations have been controversial (Catalano, 2014; Rodriguez, Bound & Geronimus, 2013; Geronimus, 2000). Regarding the topic of fragmentation, advocates argue that local governments more likely meet the needs of residents and promote technical and allocative efficiency by VE-822 under fragmented governance settings (Akai & Sakata, 2002; Brennan & Buchanan, 1980; Grassmueck & Shields, 2010). By contrast, opponents stress that economic efficiency arises from consolidated government entities and expansion of a public sector (Foster, 1997; Nelson & Foster, 1999). Similarly, studies focusing on whether political fragmentation causes racial segregation, economic inequality and reduced opportunity do not converge (Bischoff, 2008; Hill, 1974; Lewis & Hamilton, 2011; Morgan & Mareschal, 1999). Our research, however, on political fragmentation and health disparities supports and extends earlier research (Hutson et al., 2012). Our results imply that heightened political fragmentation in large urban areas in the 1970s and 1980s in the U.S. corresponds with widening health disparities between whites and African-Americans. We anticipate that subsequent research in this area will assist with community health planning and policy efforts to balance economic efficiency with social equity.
Introduction Individuals who lose their jobs, or have never been gainfully employed, are at greater risk of poorer mental health compared to their employed counterparts (Creed, Machin, & Hicks, 1996). This finding is now well documented, evidenced by a numerous studies since the Great Depression of the 1930s (i.e., Eisenberg & Lazarsfeld, 1938; Jahoda, 1982; Mckenna & Fryer, 1984; Paul & Moser, 2009). Furthermore, by controlling for a number of comprehensive socio-economic and demographic variables, recent studies have minimised the potential bias attributable to health selection (i.e., that selection into unemployment is based on a history of poor mental health; Murphy & Athanasou, 1999; Thomas, Benzeval, & Stansfeld, 2005). Emerging evidence suggests that, like those who are unemployed, those who are underemployed might also be at greater risk of poor mental health. Rates of unemployment may be masked by high rates of underemployment, as some adults may be prone to cycling between unemployment and underemployment, rarely transitioning into full-time secure and good quality employment (Leach et al., 2010). Unsurprisingly, this “cycle of disadvantage” can have long-term mental health and economic consequences (Leach et al., 2010; Olesen, Butterworth, Leach, Kelaher, & Pirkis, 2013). Furthermore, particularly for young adults, working is vital for establishing independence and a sense of personal identity (Winefield, Winefield, Tiggemann, & Goldney, 1991). Even a short period of unemployment for young adults could precipitate a series of events that can affect a broad range of outcomes far into the future – from health status, to future income earnings, blood pressure, and even low birthweight of future children (Adler & Newman, 2002). Thus, as gainful employment represents an important protective factor for maintaining good mental health, it is reasonable to hypothesise that both unemployment and underemployment are associated with a loss of those protective factors which promote good mental health.